The ‘Numsa moment’ may be the first of many | BY AUBREY MATSHIQI, 10 NOVEMBER 2014,

WHAT A surprise! The National Union of Metalworkers of SA (Numsa) has become the first affiliate of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) to be expelled by the labour federation.

At the end of a long night of knives, or the night of long knives, just before the first cock crowed to announce the coming of Saturday, Cosatu’s central executive committee finally told Numsa to “vat julle goed en voetsek”. “Hit the road Jim, don’t you come back, no more, no more!” said the committee. And Numsa was heard humming a hit song by the Spinners, “Throwing a good love away, you don’t know it now, but you’ll know it someday.”

Who will rue the day Numsa was expelled? Will it be Cosatu, Numsa or the African National Congress (ANC)? Or, is it ordinary workers who will pay the highest price? In the weeks to come political animals like me are going to subject you to volumes of verbiage and high analysis in our attempts at pretending we know the answers to these questions when, in fact, a lot is still going to happen between Cosatu and Numsa, and within each formation, before we can fully understand the implications of Cosatu’s decision.

While there is inadequate space in a newspaper column, the answer lies in understanding the forces — historical, political, economic, ideological and otherwise — that shaped what some among us sometimes romantically refer to as the “Numsa moment”.

To some of these, the Numsa moment and the Marikana massacre are part of the same historical moment and turning point. Beyond this moment lie radical political and economic change born out of fundamental transformation in political and economic relations in SA.

In other words, the expulsion of Numsa will deliver political realignment and, therefore, constitutes the beginning of the end for the ANC and its ambivalence towards neoliberalism.

Some of the forces behind the internal Cosatu battle and the expulsion of Numsa are larger than both Numsa and the Cosatu central executive committee. To understand why the tripartite alliance has not been as adept as it should be in its response to the change in the relationship between the alliance and state power, we must start by accepting that 20 years in the life of any country is a very short time.

In Darkness at Noon, a book by Arthur Koestler, it is said that history has a long pulse. This suggests several things but I would like to highlight two.

First, the changes to the content of the historical forces that are going to shape events and decisions inside and outside the components of the alliance are both incomplete and continuous. In this regard the “Numsa moment” is but one among many future moments that will deliver a different, weaker or stronger alliance. The quality of leadership, strategic and tactical acumen, a sense of vision and values, moral and ideological courage and the clarity of thought available to the ANC, Cosatu and South African Communist Party (SACP) will ultimately be the difference between decay and regeneration.

Second, changes in political and economic reality since 1994 dictate that the ANC, Cosatu and the SACP ask whether current formulations of their National Democratic Revolution are still an appropriate response to these changes. This must happen given the possibility that, since 1994, the forces that have shaped the response are those that are hostile to change as conceived in different formulations of the National Democratic Revolution.

That said, there has never been a more important moment since 1994 for the ANC, Cosatu and SACP to be honest about the different configurations “the enemy within” has manifested itself in, especially during the past decade. Subjective interests have become the fuel that propels factional interests in alliance structures and the alliance itself. More unfortunate is the degree to which some, by foregrounding subjective interests, have become affiliates of members in positions of power.

Numsa’s expulsion is, therefore, the harbinger of things good or bad.

• Matshiqi is an independent political analyst.

Nigeria school blast kills dozens Many dead and injured after explosion before morning assembly at secondary school in Yobe, north-east Nigeria Share 70 inShare 2 Email Agencies in Kano and Lagos The Guardian, Monday 10 November 2014

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The site of a bomb blast in Gombe, north-eastern Nigeria, on 31 October. Boko Haram militants are likely to be prime suspects in the latest attack. Photograph: Str/EPA

A suicide bomb attack killed 47 people and injured 79 others as students gathered for Monday morning assembly at their school in north-east Nigeria, police have said.

“There was an explosion detonated by a suicide bomber,” national police spokesman Emmanuel Ojukwu said, referring to the attack in Potiskum in Yobe state.

Survivors told the Associated Press that the bomber was disguised in school uniform and appeared to have hidden the explosives in a type of rucksack popular with students.

Soldiers who attended the scene were reportedly chased away by people angry at the military’s inability to halt a five-year Islamic insurgency that has killed thousands and driven hundreds of thousands from their homes.

About 2,000 students had gathered for the weekly assembly at the Government Technical Science college when the explosion tore through the school hall, according to survivors.

“We were waiting for the principal to address us, around 7.30am, when we heard a deafening sound and I was blown off my feet. People started screaming and running, I saw blood all over my body,” 17-year-old student Musa Ibrahim Yahaya said from hospital, where he was being treated for head wounds.

Hospital workers said dozens were being treated including people with serious injuries who may need amputations.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack, but Boko Haram militants are likely to be the prime suspects.

The group, which wants to create a hardline Islamic state in northern Nigeria, has previously carried out deadly attacks on schools teaching a “western” curriculum.

In February, gunmen killed at least 40 students after throwing explosives into the dormitory of a government boarding school in Buni Yadi, Yobe state.

In July last year, 42 students were killed when Boko Haram attacked dormitories in a gun and bomb attack on a government boarding school in Mamudo village, near Potiskum.

Boko Haram’s most high-profile attack on a school came in April, when fighters kidnapped 276 girls from Chibok in Borno state, north-east Nigeria. More than six months later, 219 of the girls are still being held.

Potiskum, the commercial hub of Yobe state, has been targeted repeatedly by attacks blamed on Boko Haram. Last week, at least 15 people were killed in a suicide bomb attack targeting a Shia religious ceremony in the city.

Yobe is one of three north-eastern states that has been under a state of emergency since May last year to try to quell the bloody insurgency. But violence has continued and Boko Haram has seized at least two dozen towns and villages in recent months, raising doubts about the government’s ability to control the region.

Numsa sends simple struggle message | Nov 09 2014 | Terry Bell

Cape Town – A luta continua. The fight continues.

That was the simple message on Sunday from the press conference of the National Union of Metalworkers (Numsa).

What it means is that a special national congress will probably be fought for through the courts.

On Monday the seven Cosatu affiliates that remain in support of Numsa will stage their own press conference where they are likelyl, in line with the Cosatu constitution, to support this call. This will mean that Cosatu’s embattled general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi will then make his stand clear by making a public announcement on either Wednesday or Thursday.

His announcement will almost certainly follow a series of frantic, behind-the-scenes negotiations as it now seems to have dawned on many of the Cosatu leadership, who backed the expulsion of Numsa, that there is a groundswell of support for that union.

It is this that is credited with the peculiar statement by National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) general secretary Frans Baleni, that Numsa needs only to apologise to gain readmission to the federation.

The apology, he said in a radio interview Sunday morning, should relate to Numsa breaching the Cosatu policy of one industry, one union.

However, this policy has been observed in the breach over the nearly three decades of the federation’s existence. Cosatu, for example, houses two separate nursing unions, Denosa and Sadnu, while its large public sector affiliate, Nehawu, also organises nurses.

Numsa has traditionally organised in the mining industry, although mainly in the engineering, welding and smelting sectors. Similar “cross-overs” exist with almost every Cosatu union.

Baleni is fully aware — as are the rest of the executive members — that the only way an expulsion or suspension of an affiliate can, constitutionally, be revoked or ratified is via a national congress of delegates.

In previous years, NUM has had the lion’s share of such delegates, being, before the massacre at Marikana, the biggest union in Cosatu.

NUM is now a shadow of its former self, with many of the defecting members having gone to Numsa and others going to the Nactu-affiliated Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (Amcu) or falling by the wayside. Numsa’s membership has ballooned from little more than 216 000 a year ago to probably close to 340 000 today.

Other affiliates supporting the majority on the Cosatu executive have also lost members. After the expulsion by the teachers’ union Sadtu of its president, a large section of the Eastern Cape membership in particular, is in rebellion. The major transport union, Satawu, has also suffered a split.

– Fin24

Why “12 Years a Slave” Will Always Matter to Louisiana

CenLamar

I had a slight advantage over the other kids in my junior high Louisiana history class: Two of my great-aunts, Sue Eakin and Manie Culbertson, wrote our textbook, Louisiana: The Land and Its PeopleI was the only person in my class (and probably the only kid in the entire state) whose textbook was inscribed by its authors. Of course, this wasn’t something you brag about in junior high, and I knew it probably wasn’t wise to tell my teacher that my aunts first gave me their book when I was in the fourth grade, lest he think I had somehow already memorized the whole thing.

Sue, Manie, and my grandmother Joanne, members of the sprawling Lyles family, were all history teachers. Along with their nine brothers and sisters (including three who were lost in childhood), they were born in Cheneyville, Louisiana and raised in nearby Loyd Bridge on…

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My friend Abdul Rahman Kassig was kidnapped by ISIS. Here’s his story.

Hummus For Thought

The following is a story written by Erin Cory about her friend Abdul-Rahman Kassig, formerly known as Peter Kassig, who has been held by ISIS since October 2013 and has been recently threatened with death.

With Peter, June 2012. With Abdul-Rahman in Lebanon, June 2012.

I admit I have been stalling on writing this entry since Joey generously offered it to me last week. By now, we have all read about Abdul-Rahman Kassig, born Peter Kassig, and his plight in Syria at the hands of the so-called Islamic State. I have read perhaps thousands of words by reporters and people like me, who are his friends. But the truth is, the shock of seeing him in this situation, the pain of witnessing his family’s fear and grief, has taken my breath away and with it, the words to make sense of what is happening.

Tonight, for the first time, I feel as though…

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